Monday,
Jan. 28, 2008
Is
Congress Finally Ready to Go Green?
By
Bryan Walsh
Correction Appended: January 29, 2008
As concern over global warming became more and more
prominent in the U.S. over the past several years Ñ in the media, in opinion
polls, in business and in state governments Ñ the one place where the issue
seemed all but invisible was the one place that could really do something about
it: Congress. But that began to change in 2007, and nowhere more so than in the
Senate's key committee on the environment and public works, which drafts much
of the country's environmental legislation. Up until last January, the
committee was chaired by Oklahoma Sen. James Inhofe, a Republican who memorably
called global warming "the greatest hoax ever perpetrated on the American
people." When the Democrats took over Congress in the 2006 midterm
elections, however, the chairperson's gavel was handed over to Sen. Barbara
Boxer of California, and the floodgates opened. Boxer began a series of open
hearings on the science of global warming, giving airtime to the sort of
experts Ñ including former Vice President Al Gore Ñ who had been suppressed
under Inhofe. "As soon as the change took place, I realized that this was
going to be one of my number one goals," says Boxer. "Elections have
consequences, and this was one of the consequences."
Hours and hours of hearings finally led to a
legislative breakthrough in December: the passage out of the committee of the
first bill that would put carbon caps on the U.S. economy. Co-sponsored by the
Republican Sen. John Warner and the Independent Sen. Joseph Lieberman, the
America's Climate Security Act would cap U.S. carbon emissions at 15% below
2005 levels by 2020, with a 70% cut projected for 2050. If enacted, those
carbon caps would all but force U.S. businesses to invest in cleaner technology
and greater energy efficiency, and would help the country take a leadership
role in international climate negotiations.
Similar bills had been put forward over the past
several years, only to die in committee. This time, however, Boxer was able to
help pull together not only Democrats but a Republican as well, giving the bill
some bipartisan support. That's key Ñ given how narrowly divided Congress has
become, meaningful climate change legislation only has a chance if its
supporters can draw allies from across the political aisle. Boxer is confident
she can. "The environment has been an issue that has pulled together
Republicans and Democrats in the past," she says. "Everyone has to
breathe the same air."
The Climate Security Act has passed the first
barrier to becoming law, but the road is only going to get tougher. To have a
chance in the Senate, the bill needs at least 60 votes Ñ anything less, and
opponents can stop it with a filibuster. That will require winning over more
conservative Senators, while at the same time ensuring the bill doesn't become
so watered down that it loses all effectiveness. And even if the bill were to
pass the Senate, and then the House of Representatives, it still has to make it
through President George W. Bush, who has shown little inclination to support
it. Bush favors what he calls technological solutions to global warming, but
without the pressure of carbon caps. "That's like saying let's meet at the
field and play baseball, but you don't bring a mitt or a ball," says
Boxer. "You can't play the game."
Critics like Bush tend to focus on the economic
costs of reducing carbon emissions Ñ through increased energy prices Ñ but
Boxer, and many of her supporters, believe that combating climate change can
have a net positive effect on the economy. Boxer hails from California, which
has already passed the strongest state legislation on climate change, cutting
carbon emissions to 1990 levels by 2020. Far from hurting the state
economically, Boxer notes, the carbon bill has helped California become the
center for green innovation in the U.S., with Silicon Valley venture
capitalists pouring billions into alternative energy start-ups. Those businesses
will create new, green jobs that should make up for the short-term costs of
cutting carbon. "The cure for global warming is positive," says
Boxer. "That makes it easy for me to approach it with hope."
Emphasizing the hope, the positive possibilities of
dealing with climate change, should also help Boxer broaden the appeal of the
Climate Security Act. Americans are worried about global warming, but they're
also worried about Iraq, the economy and health care. Make global warming into
an economic issue, or an issue of national security, not just an environmental
one, and there's a better chance of achieving broad, bipartisan support. Not
all environmentalists are happy with the Climate Security Act Ñ it has been
criticized by the Sierra Club, among other groups, as too weak. While it could
be tightened, the reality is that only a moderate bill is likely to pass soon,
and with science telling us that we may have less than 15 years to turn around
carbon emissions, we can't afford to hold out for a perfect law. "The
longer we wait to do what we need to do, the harder the transition will
be," says Boxer. "We're running out of time." She's absolutely
right, but at least Congress is no longer standing still.
The original version of this article stated that
Senator James Inhofe represented Alaska. He actually represented Oklahoma. Find
this article at: http://www.time.com/time/health/article/0,8599,1707560,00.html